MIC seeks to fish in troubled waters MIC gangster chief Saravanan ugly legacy is rearing its head, using intimidation and clampdown to stifle the legitimate right of the people to express their protest against electoral fraud. both Saravanan the EC men have been arrogant in their replies to the widespread calls from the public to step down.
Amid calls from for “tough” action against the Opposition, Pakatan Rakyat leaders called on Malaysians to come together to celebrate their electoral unity, defend their fundamental rights and stop the elder leader’s “ugly legacy” from rearing its head.”It is very important for all Malaysians to come to Padang Merbok on June 22 to celebrate their electoral unity and to fight electoral corruption and fraud,” MP for Pandan Rafizi Ramli
From speaking engagements to dinner with friends, one question continues to be asked: Why isn’t corruption going away? The question baffles the educated middle classes. Why is a reasonable, universal and noble demand for an honest society so difficult to achieve in a democracy? The despair increased after the results of the G13 Saravanan went to the polls right during the double whammy of the Hindraf fiasco and. In most parts of the civilised world, such scams at election time would render the party untouchable. And yet, Saravanan won.
to symbolise the death of democracy, the rallies saw unprecedented support from Malaysians of all walks of life, with particular interest shown by young Malaysians in their 20s and 30s.
So far, 13 rallies have been held and more than half a million Malaysians have gone to listen to Anwar and team speak. The last Black 505 rally was in Kelantan on Wednesday night, organised by PAS youth NGOs, and the next will be held at Batu Pahat, Johor on Sunday.
Anwar had promised to give Malaysians the chance to air their grievances over the “unjust” GE13 “to the world”. Indeed, many Malaysians had pinned their hopes on a regime change but despite winning 51% of the total votes cast, Najib managed to cling to power due to the massive gerrymandering put in place by past Umno-BN administrations.
The June 22 rally was the Pakatan’s vehicle for Malaysians to gather together in solidarity to show the Najib administration they would not tolerate any repeat in the next election and that reforms must be made immediately with alleged wrongdoers such as the controversial Election Commission chairman and deputy chairman removed and barred from involvement in any new re-delineation of constituencies.
Pakatan Rakyat’s 39 petitions involved 25 parliamentary constituencies and 14 state seats, while BN is disputing six parliamentary seats and 15 state seats.
Mustafa said BN’s move to file petitions showed that something was wrong with the Election Commission.
He added it was time for the EC’s leadership line-up to be revamped replacing them with more credible members trusted across both political divides.
“As long as EC refuses to change, we will continue to face problems. This means the commission needs to be revamped and given a new image,” he stressed.
What is a bigger waste of time is you SaravananMICkey mouse politicians sitting in parliament and not doing anything for the Indian community. Have any of you spoken to defend the rights of Indian men murdered in police lock up’s? Have you ever addressed the declining rate of Indian graduates in university? The MIC is the biggest impediment to the progress of rural Indians in this country. Your Tamil drama politics is over Saravanan. The only reason you won your seat in parliament is because you and your party have kept the rural Indians subservient to the government and have not thought them to be independent or to think for themselves. MIC’s days of keeping Indians stupid is over. They will rise and they will run you over!
Can the PM please describe the qualities that will be brought to the table by each of the selected individuals in the cabinet and help push his vision of transformation of the government, governance, politics, education and economy? After holidaying in London for a few years, Waytha came back unhindered, staged a ‘wayang kulit’ show and a fast, and voila! He becomes a deputy minister.Is this is the kind of real and effective representation Hindraf was talking about?
We all know a deputy minister post carries no weight and substance. Ask the MCA politicians, they can tell you the all about the position and responsibilities of a deputy minister. Waytha will be accepting the post, and it goes to show that his is a case of position rather than the sincere fight for the marginalised Indians.
We are used to MCA screwing the Chinese all the years, now you have another Indian leader (beside MIC) to prolong the suffering of his race.
- Wayout-thamoorthy a minister without portfolio and a backdoor one too. Let’s see what he can do.’
What? Hindraf chief P Waythamoorthy is a deputy minister? PM Najib Abdul Razak, we Indians do not want him. He is a sellout. Waythamoorthy is a fraud who cares only for himself, not for the Indians Just as suspected, there is a reason why Waythamoorthy colluded with Najib and now we know why. A simple deputy minister post is more than enough to buy him over.He helped Najib and Najib is helping him with a deputy minister’s post. Now the invisible print in the memorandum is getting clearer. the 59-year-old Najib has promised reforms and to put the Election Commission under the purview of Parliament but to most citizens, Najib may be “just talking through his hat”. They point to how the police have shown bias by arresting and charging Opposition politicians who organized these rallies, while allowing to escape scot-free those who have been caught red-handed inciting racism and public hatred. To many, there is not only no change but the prospects of change and reform have dimmed even more after GE13.
HINDRAF and MIC pose the most serious threat to national security,Najib doesn’t seem to be coming to grips… pose the most serious threat to national security, the country doesn’t seem to be coming to grips..the font of the ideology of Hindutva and Its ideology identifying Hindutva as Malaysia’s hindraf nationhood inspires, in its very extreme versions,. Those who think corrupt free governance and prosperity are more important will vote for Modi. Those who worry about communal harmony and domestic security will not vote for him. It is an unhappy but unambiguous choice.
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The sudden ascent of stocky, 62-year-old Narendra Modi as a serious contender for the nation’s leadership has taken people by surprise. The general election is still a year away but the average, open-minded, middle-of-the-road Indian wonders how to think about the polarizing chief minister of Gujarat. Either you love him or hate him, which is precisely why one must not react with a kneejerk but try and go beyond the shallow surface of a flawed but remarkable human being.
It had surprised me that day, June 17 2004, to see Ishrat Jahan’s corner of their one-bedroom house in Mumbra, a largely Muslim ghetto separated from Mumbai both by time and distance. Her table was full of books — mathematics, statistics, science. There was also a half-read novel. One of her teachers at the Khalsa College, where she was studying (BSc, second year), had told me the girl wanted to teach maths after she graduated. “She was very curious, very keen,” he had said.
Ishrat, then just 19, had been killed by the Gujarat police in Ahmedabad two days back, on June 15, along with three men for attempting to assassinate Narendra Modi. An AK-47, which investigators later said might have been planted, was found next to her bullet-splattered body. She didn’t have a chance.
As I pursued the story — catching up with her teachers, friends, relatives — to draw a portrait of the kind of girl she was, the one person I was most reluctant to meet was her mother, Shamima Shaikh. I thought she would rave and ramble, curse the police and attack the media. But the person I came face to face with was quiet and composed — to the extent that it alarmed me.
Someone offered me water as I sat on the floor with a group of people who had come to the house to console the distraught mother and Ishrat’s four sisters. All that Shamima kept saying was, “I don’t know how she reached Ahmedabad.” Zeenat, the eldest of Ishrat’s siblings, who would be closely interrogated and grilled by the Mumbai police in the days that followed, did most of the talking. She, too, seemed bewildered by the fact that Ishrat was there with the three men — one of whom, in the words of a few Gujarat cops, was “close” to her.
Looking around at the only room in Shamima’s shanty, one thing that struck me was the dirty curtains. They either didn’t have a change or hadn’t bothered with it as very few not their impoverished kind came visiting anyway. It was probably the former. If Ishrat was a terrorist she was clearly not doing it for money.
Strangely, the Thane police, like many others who knew Ishrat in Mumbra, was the first to vouch for her “good behaviour”. In fact, as I had reported then, it was the cops in Thane, under whose jurisdiction Mumbra falls, who had dealt the biggest blow to the credibility of the Gujarat police’s “fidayeen theory”. According to the latter, the four who were killed were members of a Lashkar-e-Toiba suicide squad out on a mission to eliminate chief minister Modi.
On June 17 itself, after searches at Ishrat’s Mumbra house, police said they found “no evidence” to show she was either a militant or was linked to any radical organisation. ACP Amar Jadhav had then announced: “We have found nothing that could connect the girl with any terrorist group.” They said they had scanned every piece of paper, every part of the house before they made that statement.
At Ishrat’s college — where mathematics and statistics were her main subjects — her class teacher and principal had expressed shock. She must have been the quiet type, vice-principal SC Dhume had said, adding that if she had opted for maths and stats she “must have been serious about studies”. Principal Ajit Singh seconded that: “She seemed to be very particular about her classes and her practicals. I have had no complaints about her.”
The timing and quickness of the encounter had surprised many then. Modi, still struggling to explain the riots that followed the Godhra train carnage, was shaky in his chair, with Atal Bihari Vajpayee and some of the BJP brass seemingly unconvinced by his show of innocence. The rapid developments in the Ishrat case, eight years after her gunning-down, are surprising many now. Modi, having consolidated his position in the party, is these days gunning for greater glory.
On its part, the CBI says it has proof senior officials of the Intelligence Bureau and the Gujarat police were involved in the “fake encounter” — yes, they are calling it that — of Ishrat Jahan. Apparently, a top IB man and a couple of high-ranking Gujarat cops had colluded to generate intel inputs that would eventually lead to the killings.
The truth may come out soon. Or it may never, as is often the case in our country. There are hundreds who suffer for things they haven’t done. And there are more hundreds who get away with everything they do. Long after Ishrat is gone, I don’t know how her story will end. But I do hope some day Shamima gets the true answer to the only question she has been asking all these years: Why was Ishrat in Ahmedabad that day?
